“[O]ne cannot separate violence from the very exist ence of the state (as the apparatus of class domination): from the standpoint of the'subordinated and oppressed, the very existence of a state is a fact of violence (in the same sense in which, for example, Robespierre said, in his justification of the regicide, that one does not have to prove that the king committed any specific crimes, since the very existence of the king is a crime, an offence against the freedom of the people). In this strict sense, every violence of the oppressed against the ruling class and its state is ultimately ‘defensive’. If we do not concede this point, we volens nolens ‘normalize’ the state and accept that its violence is merely a matter of contin gent excesses (to be dealt with through democratic reforms).”
Slavoj Žižek's assertion highlights the intrinsic relationship between state power and violence, a theme that resonates in contemporary discussions about governance, social justice, and resistance. As citizens around the world critically evaluate the role of their governments, the implications of Žižek's thoughts become increasingly relevant.
In today's political landscape, numerous movements challenge established state structures, arguing that systemic oppression is often maintained through violence—both physical and institutional. From protests against police brutality to uprisings against authoritarian regimes, the dialogue around state violence as a tool for class domination echoes Žižek's theory. The claim that state violence is not just an aberration, but rather a foundational aspect of governance, prompts us to reconsider how we define legitimacy and justice.
Moreover, discussions about reform versus revolution are heightened in light of growing disenchantment with democratic systems that fail to address systemic inequalities. Activists who argue for radical change often draw on the idea that mere reforms cannot dismantle the underlying structures of oppression. By conceptualizing acts of resistance by the marginalized not merely as violence but as a defensive response to state aggression, we can better understand the motivations behind movements for social change.
Ultimately, Žižek’s insights encourage a deeper examination of the roles individuals and collectives play in confronting not only the overt violence of the state but also its more insidious forms. This framing challenges us to consider what it means to resist and to imagine a future where justice does not rely on the violent maintenance of power.
In this quote, Slavoj Žižek discusses the inherent relationship between violence and the state, particularly from the perspective of the oppressed. He suggests that the existence of a state itself represents a form of violence, particularly as it functions as an apparatus for class domination. This analysis invites a deeper exploration of the implications of state violence and the actions of those who oppose it.
Žižek begins by asserting that violence is inseparable from the state, a view underscored by his reference to Robespierre's justification of regicide. Here, he highlights an essential concept: the very existence of a ruling authority is, in itself, an act of oppression against the people. This perspective implies that systemic inequality and domination are so ingrained in the structure of the state that merely existing constitutes a violation of freedom.
Furthermore, Žižek characterizes the acts of violence carried out by the oppressed as fundamentally “defensive.” This argument reframes the narrative around resistance movements, suggesting that any violent action against the ruling class is a reaction to the ongoing violence enacted by the state. Rather than viewing these actions as aggressive or unjustified, he advocates for an understanding that situates them as necessary responses to systemic oppression.
The conclusion of the quote emphasizes a crucial point in political theory—if one fails to recognize the state’s existence as inherently violent, they risk normalizing it. This normalization can lead to the misleading belief that state violence is simply a result of isolated incidents or temporary excesses. Žižek warns against the complacency of believing that democratic reforms alone can address these issues without confronting the fundamental nature of state power and its oppressive mechanisms.
Overall, Žižek’s quote urges critical reflection on the role of the state and the legitimacy of resistance, challenging readers to reconsider how violence, power, and oppression are interrelated.
“A dispassionate conceptual development of the typology of violence must by definition ignore its traumatic impact. Yet there is a sense in which a cold analysis of violence somehow reproduces and participates in its horror. A distinction needs to be made, as well, between (factual) truth and truthfulness: what renders a report of a raped woman (or any other narrative of a trauma) truthful is its very factual unreliability, its confusion, its inconsistency. If the victim were able to report on her painful and humiliating experience in a clear manner, with all the data arranged in a consistent order, this very quality would make us suspicious of its truth.”
“We do not get to vote on who owns what, or on relations in factory and so on, for all this is deemed beyond the sphere of the political, and it is illusory to expect that one can actually change things by "extending" democracy to ple's control. Radical changes in this domain should be made outside the sphere of legal "rights", etcetera: no matter how radical our anti-capitalism, unless this is understood, the solution sought will involve applying democratic mechanisms (which, of course, can have a positive role to play)- mechanisms, one should never forget, which are themselves part of the apparatus of the "bourgeois" state that guarantees the undisturbed functioning of capitalist reproduction. In this precise sense, Badiou hit the mark with his apparently wired claim that "Today, the enemy is not called Empire or Capital. It's called Democracy." it is the "democratic illusion" the acceptance of democratic procedures as the sole framework for any possible change, that blocks any radical transformation of capitalist relations.”
“Violence is already active here; it is built into the very structure od the existing society. If we seek a world in which men do the least possible violence to each other (which is to state just the negative of it), then we are committed not simply to try to avoid violence ourselves, but to try to destroy patterns of violence which already exist.”
“The state calls its own violence law, but that of the individual, crime.”
“Word is murder of a thing, not only in the elementary sense of implying its absence - by naming a thing, we treat it as absent, as dead, although it is still present - but above all in the sense of its radical dissection: the word 'quarters' the thing, it tears it out of the embedment in its concrete context, it treats its component parts as entities with an autonomous existence: we speak about color, form, shape, etc., as if they possessed self-sufficient being.”
“This is the paradox of public space: even if everyone knows an unpleasant fact, saying it in public changes everything. One of the first measures taken by the new Bolshevik government in 1918 was to make public the entire corpus of tsarist secret diplomacy, all the secret agreements, the secret clauses of public agreements etc. There too the target was the entire functioning of the state apparatuses of power. (Žižek, S. "Good Manners in the Age of WikiLeaks." London Review of Books 33.2 (2011): 9-10. )”