“Word is murder of a thing, not only in the elementary sense of implying its absence - by naming a thing, we treat it as absent, as dead, although it is still present - but above all in the sense of its radical dissection: the word 'quarters' the thing, it tears it out of the embedment in its concrete context, it treats its component parts as entities with an autonomous existence: we speak about color, form, shape, etc., as if they possessed self-sufficient being.”
In this quote by Slavoj Žižek, the philosopher delves into the powerful impact of words on the essence and existence of objects. He argues that when we name something, we not only imply its absence but also dissect it to its very core. Words have the power to strip things of their context and individual components, treating them as isolated entities. This analysis highlights the profound influence language has on our perception and understanding of the world around us.
In this quote, Slavoj Žižek highlights the power of language to deconstruct and transform reality. He argues that words not only represent the absence of a thing but also break it down into its component parts, treating them as independent entities. This idea is relevant today as we see how language shapes our understanding of the world and influences our perception of reality. With the rise of social media and the digital age, words have a tremendous impact on how we see the world and ourselves. The ability of language to dissect and redefine reality is a powerful tool that continues to shape our modern society.
Slavoj Žižek explores the concept of how words can alter our perception of reality in a profound way. He argues that by naming something, we essentially kill its true essence and dissect it into separate entities. For example, when we use words like "color" or "shape," we separate these elements from their original context and treat them as independent entities.
Slavoj Žižek's quote brings forth the idea that words have the power to deconstruct and dissect the essence of a thing, turning it into fragmented parts rather than a whole entity. This concept raises interesting questions:
“It's not the same thing: coffee without cream or coffee without milk.What you don't get is part of the identity of what you get.”
“[O]ne cannot separate violence from the very exist ence of the state (as the apparatus of class domination): from the standpoint of the'subordinated and oppressed, the very existence of a state is a fact of violence (in the same sense in which, for example, Robespierre said, in his justification of the regicide, that one does not have to prove that the king committed any specific crimes, since the very existence of the king is a crime, an offence against the freedom of the people). In this strict sense, every violence of the oppressed against the ruling class and its state is ultimately ‘defensive’. If we do not concede this point, we volens nolens ‘normalize’ the state and accept that its violence is merely a matter of contin gent excesses (to be dealt with through democratic reforms).”
“We do not get to vote on who owns what, or on relations in factory and so on, for all this is deemed beyond the sphere of the political, and it is illusory to expect that one can actually change things by "extending" democracy to ple's control. Radical changes in this domain should be made outside the sphere of legal "rights", etcetera: no matter how radical our anti-capitalism, unless this is understood, the solution sought will involve applying democratic mechanisms (which, of course, can have a positive role to play)- mechanisms, one should never forget, which are themselves part of the apparatus of the "bourgeois" state that guarantees the undisturbed functioning of capitalist reproduction. In this precise sense, Badiou hit the mark with his apparently wired claim that "Today, the enemy is not called Empire or Capital. It's called Democracy." it is the "democratic illusion" the acceptance of democratic procedures as the sole framework for any possible change, that blocks any radical transformation of capitalist relations.”
“On the 'Celestial Seasonings' green tea packet there is a short explanation of its benefits: 'Green tea is a natural source of antioxidants, which neutralize harmful molecules in the body known as free radicals. By taming free radicals, antioxidants help the body maintain its natural health.' Mutatis mutandis, is not the notion of totalitarianism one of the main ideological antioxidants, whose function throughout its career was to tame free radicals, and thus to help the social body to maintain its politico-ideological good health?”
“A dispassionate conceptual development of the typology of violence must by definition ignore its traumatic impact. Yet there is a sense in which a cold analysis of violence somehow reproduces and participates in its horror. A distinction needs to be made, as well, between (factual) truth and truthfulness: what renders a report of a raped woman (or any other narrative of a trauma) truthful is its very factual unreliability, its confusion, its inconsistency. If the victim were able to report on her painful and humiliating experience in a clear manner, with all the data arranged in a consistent order, this very quality would make us suspicious of its truth.”
“Liberals always say about totalitarians that they like humanity, as such, but they have no empathy for concrete people, no? OK, that fits me perfectly. Humanity? Yes, it's OK – some great talks, some great arts. Concrete people? No, 99% are boring idiots.”